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Thursday August 7, 2008 |
A roundtable on, "Future Directions of Bangladesh Foreign Policy" was organised by The Daily Star in collaboration with the Centre for Foreign Affairs Studies, a specialised research and study centre dedicated to studies on the issues of international relations and foreign policy of Bangladesh, on 7 May 2007, at The Daily Star conference room. The roundtable was attended by a large number of former Foreign Service officers and Ambassadors. Transcript of the proceedings is published below. -- Editor INAUGURAL STATEMENTS Ambassador Ashfaqur Rahman The NGOs and the others, they are devising policies by overtaking states and all government agencies and enforcers are being sidelined. Do we in Bangladesh have a foreign policy to meet these challenges and to answer to our people the basis on which we act? The people are not taken into consideration when we formulate our own foreign policy. There is a great disconnect. We need to be transparent, accountable and to come forward with foreign policy directions for future. The time is now right to craft a foreign policy for Bangladesh which addresses new paradigms, new challenges to face new global order. Working Session-I Ambassador Harun ur Rashid What is called for, they argue, is the removal of this ambiguity or inconsistency because policies are being implemented which pull in different directions. It confuses other countries about the direction of foreign policy. The realities of the 21st century (such as globalization and interdependence) will inevitably have impact on choices and role for Bangladesh. It seems that the range of choice available to Bangladesh will depend on Bangladesh's ability to improve the performance and resilience of economy and on the policy makers' capacity to take advantage of interdependence rather than constrained by it. Bangladesh, a country of about 150 million people, squeezed into a territory of 147,570 square kilometres, and sandwiched between two Asia's rising giants-China and India- can play a far more meaningful role through imaginative and effective conduct of foreign policy. Diplomats these days understand, rather better than they are often perceived to, how innovative foreign policy can contribute to greater global and regional security, advance significantly economic and trade interests. A country is capable of exercising its role above its weight through effective foreign policy. Success of foreign policy needs a patient, persistent, and constant efforts. It is like nurturing a plant before it grows fruit or flowers. Ideally foreign policy is to be pursued on a long term goal, once national interests are identified. Governments must constantly question the adequacy of continuing a foreign policy that does not face challenges that are unprecedented in their complexity and intensity in the current external environment. Foreign policy experts need now more than ever to anticipate change ahead or else be swamped by it. Process of foreign policy-making On the other hand, the process is difficult to describe if foreign policy covers the sum total of Bangladesh's foreign relations. Foreign policy is an umbrella term and covers the entire gamut of foreign relations in such areas as, security concerns, trade, manpower export, foreign direct investment, foreign aid, monetary management, cultural matters, curbing terrorism, humanitarian, and environmental issues. It also includes the politics of negotiations in which Bangladesh is involved. Foreign policy-making is a combination of unchanging realities and evolutionary developments in response to certain demands and pressures. It should be seen in organic terms as something which varies in shape and consistency and which has a remarkable tendency to adapt to its surroundings and remain alive. Foreign policy should not be perceived as 'foreign' to people because what people can sell or buy or what price people pay for their food at a given time is affected by global trade policy. Global trade policy is an important component of foreign policy. Given our size and resources, one may say inventive foreign policy is a 'bread and butter' question for people of Bangladesh. Foreign policy promotes the image of the country abroad. What may well count here is not the absolute condition of a given society but the perception that something stable and orderly democratic society exists and the image is that the country is a responsible international citizen and has the capacity to decisively act where it is needed. Relevant elements of foreign policy Foreign policy is a social process. The members of decision-making elite receive their values, assumptions and expectations of the nation from a wider society. They also owe some responsibility to that society. Party position on various issues derives in some way or other from the society. Accurate assessment of national interest is a key to successful conduct of foreign policy. There are three broad nature of national interest: geo-political or strategic interests, economic and trade interests and management of crises. Lord Palmerston's dictum is correct when he has said that there are no eternal friends or permanent enemies. What is eternal is national interest and those are to be pursued vigorously. National interest is not static but is variable. It may change with the change of settings, themes and arenas. Bangladesh has to have balance questions of international morality against pragmatism. It has to operate a multi-track policy. The conduct of foreign policy is about responding realistically to the world Bangladesh finds it in. Bangladesh has to have trade relations with many countries of which it may disapprove their human rights record. Bangladesh has to have working relations with many forms of government we think less than ideal. Italian political philosopher and a pragmatist Niccolo Machiavelli (1469-1527) once said ”How we live is so far removed from how we ought to live, that he who abandons what is done for what ought to be done will rather learn to bring about his own ruin than his preservation.” Although national interests are variable, certain minimal notion of national interest exists. Besides preservation of sovereignty and territorial integrity, economic security, energy security, environmental preservation and internal peace and cohesion are the important elements of national interest. Bangladesh has a vital stake that neighbouring countries remain peaceful, stable and friendly or at least not unfriendly. It is in Bangladesh's interest that inter-state disputes ought to be settled peacefully. Bangladesh must have friendly relations with great powers and Islamic countries to advance its interests which include the promotion of domestic growth and the policies that support and influence the liberal international economic order, such as, free access of Bangladeshi goods in their markets. One security concern to almost every nation has emanated from elusive non-state actors who have regrettably distorted religion to strike a terror into hearts of ordinary peace-loving citizens by killing innocent people. The rise of extremism and intolerance, accumulation of large arsenals of sophisticated conventional weapons by extremists, the acquisition of capacity to build weapons of mass destruction and the increasingly strident voices of grievances and aspirations of people constitute some of the threats to security of state.
The rise of extremism has been made more complex and lethal by modern technology, communications and money transfers from overseas. It is also complicated in particular by the proliferation of cheap, highly destructive small arms. Populations are vulnerable to manipulation, exploitation and abuse by unscrupulous extremist elements. Often the media and civil society express their views on certain issues. Although the informed public in Bangladesh is relatively small elite based in cities, one must not ignore the fact there are pressure groups that work at different levels to advance their interests with the government and their influence on foreign policy may not be negligible. Influences on policy makers First let us examine the domestic constraints. The domestic constraints include nationalism, the level of economic development, and cultural orientation. Another pressure is often seen is the political ideology of the ruling party which governs the country. Article 25 of the Constitution speaks not only of promotion of international peace, security and solidarity, respect for international law and the principles of the UN Charter but also consolidating, preservation and strengthening fraternal relations among Muslim Countries based on Islamic solidarity (This article was inserted in 1977). The role of media is important. A good many issues are generated by the media itself. The media is a vehicle reflecting foreign policy outcome and source of influence to that process. World events occur round the clock and the media covers them. Media expects Foreign Minister to respond to questions at all times and on a wide range of subjects. Media coverage of foreign affairs and other related issues has improved considerably. The amount of column inches devoted to foreign news in leading dailies has increased and the quality of comments on foreign issues compares well with that in other countries. The scrutiny of media influences to a certain extent the policy as the media forms the public opinion. The parliament, being the forum of the elected representatives of the people, can express its own policy and can lead a government to go in a particular direction in its conduct of foreign policy. By debating the issues, the parliament may press the government to review its own thinking and change or make “fine tuning” of direction of foreign policy. The debate in the parliament on foreign policy issues is likely to attract the attention of the media and by extension to the people at large. Private think-tanks also provide inputs to some burning issues of foreign policy. They often call for major transformations in foreign policy-making to accommodate the growth of interdependence and multilateralism. One cannot ignore the fact that friendly foreign countries may often influence the shape of foreign policy. Foreign investors may also imperceptibly sway the direction of economic policy. International or regional organizations present Bangladesh with a web of commitments, greater than any time and they influence in many ways process of foreign policy. Bangladesh has ratified many international treaties and it has to consider its obligations in taking steps on policy issues. Foreign policy process is influenced by policies of intergovernmental political and financial institutions. Furthermore since foreign policy operates in an external environment both political and economic- they would act as pressures on foreign policy-making. Let me provide a broad picture of the environment in which foreign policy has to operate. External political environment Some say that the world order is in transition because there is no power at the moment including the US that can force an issue to its wishes and satisfaction. An awkward truth is that the world is neither dominated by a unipolar power nor multipolar powers. Currently we live in a non-polar world and the balance of power is going through an evolution period. The UN Security Council has become ineffective because of disagreement among veto-wielding permanent members of the Council. Moreover the UN Charter does not reflect the distribution of political, economic and military in the real world and this has further diminished the authority of the UN. A key question is how Bangladesh should project diplomacy in a world where shifting power balances are already creating tensions. It is obvious that power in the world is realigning and that Asia is going to become more important. These things are clear and do not need to be debated at length. The question Bangladesh needs to consider is precisely how Bangladesh that stands between China and India should position itself for this: what foreign policy does Bangladesh need to consider in order to cope with such a world. In other words, how to find ways to tap, mobilise and harness Bangladesh's assets in how the country deals with the world. A few hypothetical questions And what implications do closer ties with China have impact on bilateral relations with the US, especially if relations between Washington and Beijing begin to cool? Is Bangladesh a more effective and influential ally if it does not always move in lockstep with India's or China's regional or global agenda, or does too much independence undermine the closer relationship with either of them? How can Bangladesh enhance and maximise its relationship with all friendly nations ? To answer these sorts of questions, one needs to step back and consider how Bangladesh can take advantage by balacing delicately its relations with both China and India together with great powers and the Islamic world. In my view, Bangladesh needs to be activist in the way it engages the region and the world. But at the same time, Bangladesh must also be realistic and should not over-promise what it can deliver in the region. Bangladesh must distinguish between what is achievable and not achievable. Bangladesh cannot afford to squander resources in matters that are not achievable. Economic environment The new era is 'global', rather than 'international'. The new global era recognizes that there are other actors on the world stage (such as intergovernmental organizations and trans-national corporations) and within the states (such as NGOs). Accordingly, nation -states and their national governments no longer have a monopoly of power in controlling economy or social development. For commercial purposes, the boundaries that separate one state from another are no more real than the equator. They do not define business requirements or consumer trends. Global business has changed the pattern of economic relationship. Another irreversible fact is the process of economic globalization with market forces, generating its own new issues on the international agenda. Economic globalization has brought McDonald's, Microsoft, Mickey Mouse and Nintendo to every land. Trans-national companies move industries to countries with cheapest skilled labour with good infrastructure. Economic development, among others, means that the country is increasingly locked into the global economy. It is increasingly difficult to tell the nationality of a product under globalization. This means in producing a commodity, various nations take part in making the total product. For example, Reebok sneaker has an African name, is made by an American company, in South Korea and displays Union Jack a label. Market forces make a humble coffee bean to go through four stages of experience. In the first stage, the producer sells it as a commodity, then a company (Nestle) produces a jar of coffee (a manufactured product), then a person may buy a cup of coffee (a service), and last stage is buying a coffee in a fancy location. In each stage the coffee bean is increasingly expensive because of the value-added component. The challenge for foreign policy makers is to develop and implement strategies to receive the benefits of globalization and market forces and handle its possible adverse impact on the country through negotiation within a global or regional framework say WTO or SAFTA or BIMSTEC. Main actors of foreign policy It is generally the Foreign Minister who makes a statement on foreign policy inside or outside, parliament. Often a ministerial answer to a parliamentary question, or a ministerial response to a question from the media, voting instruction on issues in the UN forum and a lower-key statement from a ministry spokesperson reveals foreign policy at a given time. A good deal of foreign policy is necessarily made by the Foreign Minister in consultation with the Prime Minister and only a handful matters will lend themselves to full-scale Cabinet. Consultations with other Ministers on particular issues may occur and are limited to those Ministers immediately concerned. The most crucial of all coordination tasks for any government is the relationship between the foreign minister and the prime minister. Changes in world environment may lead the foreign minister to take cue from the Prime Minister on foreign policy direction. The main focus of the day-to-day effort has been to ensure that neither the Prime Minister nor the Foreign Minister springs surprises on each other. In this connection, intelligence agencies provide important inputs to the Prime Minister on issues of foreign policy. The operations of secret services are coordinated through Prime Minister's office. The Prime Minister may consult and share with other Ministers on a “need to know” basis the information provided by intelligence services. Ordinarily, the policy advice from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs is crucial, based as it is on a combination of the accumulated diplomatic experience and expertise of its officers, and extensive reporting of facts and opinion from diplomatic missions. It is not known how far and to what extent the opinion of our foreign office does influence the policy-makers. There seems to be no coordinating body that debates and discusses foreign policy within the government. Foreign policy in the country appears to be pursued on ad-hoc basis and is reactive to events. That means Bangladesh reacts after the events. Restructuring MOFA Under the existing rules of business of the government, other ministries are responsible for economic, trade, manpower and environmental policies without little input from the foreign office because they think it is not relevant. There is a widespread view that foreign policy has faced major problems in the formulation and achievement of economic security objectives. Bangladesh policy makers appear not to have addressed adequately the problems raised by an analysis of economic security for short-term and long-term period. To play a pivotal role in matters relating to foreign relations, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs needs to be re-structured afresh. The current structure does not suit the needs of the 21st century. Since economic diplomacy is one of the principal components of foreign policy, in my view, foreign trade and economic relations with foreign countries may be placed within the foreign ministry. I know that this is a big ask but these two subjects cannot be separated from foreign policy. Without these two branches of government, foreign ministry appears to be a “toothless tiger”. Since 1988, foreign trade has been transferred to foreign ministry in Australia. In other countries, foreign ministry exercises a central role in determining content of foreign trade and economic relations with other states. Furthermore, two new divisions-namely research and legal- with adequate manpower are to be created as soon as possible with the foreign ministry. The foreign office without these two divisions is a boat without a rudder. The research division will conduct an in-depth research and analysis of regional and global events and its possible impact on Bangladesh. It will provide the government short-term and long-term strategic environment within which Bangladesh may likely to operate. The objective is that Bangladesh must be prepared to respond to possible anticipated events and is not surprised by the turn of events. Some strategies and initiatives can be developed in a measured and systematic way for proactive planning and response. All foreign issues have a legal dimension from perspective of international law. Again there is no fully-equipped legal division within the foreign office and the law ministry does not appear to have expertise on international law. It seems Bangladesh foreign policy moves within a vacuum of international law. For the research and legal divisions, qualified individuals may be recruited and sent overseas for higher specialized education and training. On return they would be able to provide advice on issues that are vital for Bangladesh foreign policy. They should have a career path that attracts them. They are not transferable from the Ministry, although they may be sent to diplomatic missions for a short period for practical experience. Transfers and postings of officers of Foreign Office are currently conducted haphazardly. There is a view that there is a tendency to put a “square” peg into a “round hole”. For example, there are many instances where talented officers are not being placed in an appropriate area of their expertise. I do not know whether annual report of activities of Ministry of Foreign Affairs is published timely or not. The report is important as it catalogues events in which the Foreign Office is involved. It is a valuable resource for researchers and academics. To sum up One primary question is whether the Ministry of Foreign Affairs should become a ministry that directs all matters of foreign relations- trade, economic, and environment, or should it be confined only to diplomatic relations and leave all other relevant foreign related activities to others as currently exists. As a nation, we begin to ask, debate and answer these questions. I would like to see that the foreign ministry plays a central role in all matters of foreign relations at a time of unprecedented transformation of internal and external environment. A foreign policy is successful if it is proactive and result oriented. It must not respond only to situations as they develop but plan ahead of strategy so that it can respond adequately to anticipated or unanticipated events The presentation was followed by lively discussions by the distinguished participants across the floor. Following are the key points, questions, comments and observations that go on during discussions: Ambassador Masud Aziz Ambassador Zamir Ambassador Anwar Hashim Ambassador QMA Rahim
Ambassador Kazi Anwarul Masud Ambassador Shafiullah Ambassador Mohsin Ali Khan Ambassador Mahmud Hasan Ambassador Shahed Akthar Ambassador Aminul Islam Ambassador Masum Ahmed Chowdhury Working Session II: Implementation of Foreign Policy: Obstacles Ambassador Rashed Ahmed 2)Having spent almost 35 years of life in Bangladesh diplomacy and 5 years as UNSG's special representative in Kosovo I do not know where to begin the story. 3) One major obstacles perhaps common to all foreign ministries is implicit in the objective of foreign policy/diplomacy itself involving promotion of friendly relations with other countries including resolution of differences and problems through negotiations and dialogue. This is generally conducted by professional diplomats through quiet diplomacy; a mix of formal and informal interactions and importantly building relationship of trust through building personal equation with a cross section of influential actors involved who contribute directly or indirectly to the formulation and implementation of foreign policy. In this crucial area of building personal equation, trust and goodwill the extent to which this objective have been achieved are of such intangible nature that it is hard to quantify or prove it to the public at large. In contrast the promotion of exports or conclusion of economic, investment, technical and join venture agreements are of relatively much more tangible and of concrete nature; people can see the visible results and applaud the achievements. Hence there is generally inadequate appreciation in the role of diplomats; more attention is focused on the perks/amenities they enjoy abroad which to many a poor country can ill afford. This is not viewed as an investment. For this sort of perception the foreign office and ourselves are also to blame. We would need to work hard through a totally new approach to remove this obstacles to foreign policy implementation by greater interaction with media and public at large. This would help to gain crucial public support behind foreign policy implementation. The twin objectives of foreign policy are security and development; security is not to be viewed purely in military terms; non military threat to our security are of equal importance. This interalia include threat to creation of liberal, tolerant, democratic multi religious, multi ethnic society by the extremists and militants; poverty and underdevelopment. 5)Excessive preoccupation with political aspect of diplomacy. 6)Economic diplomacy-bilateral and multilateral crucial to success of another element of foreign policy namely development-obstacles-foreign office marginal role in foreign economic bilateral and multilateral relations, foreign trade and investment. Merger of ERD with foreign ministry and foreign trade as Amb. H. Rahsid has proposed. BOI to be staffed by both civil and foreign service officers. 7)Image building-projection of positive image of Bangladesh abroad-external publicity a propaganda arm of the party in power rather than of the country; need to be reorganized with eminent journalists and intellectuals. In addition ministry of separate desk of ministry of culture; 8)Demarcation of maritime boundary and strengthening of maritime cell in the foreign ministry-to work with greater transparency. 9)To have strong legal cell with able persons well versed a international law Domestic structure and foreign policy-lack of domestic consensus-Dr. Henry Kissinger. Our context lack of domestic consensus and confrontational nature of our politics particularly involving two major parties reduced our foreign policy to totally opposite and divergent approach to the most important pre occupation of our foreign policy which is our bilateral relation with India. Bearing a brief period after independence the major part of our bilateral relations has been characterized by 'mutual mistrust'. This should sound familiar to someone to those of our colleagues worked in erstwhile Pakistan foreign service. What has then changed after independence? Is our foreign policy an old wine in a new bottle. For this Bangladesh alone cannot be blamed. In fact it is failed that Indian diplomacy should have demonstrated greatest sense of maturity, wisdom and understanding in handling its bilateral relations with Bangladesh given the formidable challenges facing Bangladesh after independence to achieve socio, economic and political stability. In particular Indian leadership should have shown greater understanding an appreciation of the tragic internal developments following the change of Government post 1975 and repeated failure the political process of Bangladesh. For India to base its foreign policy on the expectation of eternal gratitude for help rendered in the past even if it is legitimate the natural and to wish that the domestic structure and type of Government in another country should conform to its wishes unfortunately do not constitute sound basis of interstate relations and is not grounded on the realities of international politics. Fortunately Indian foreign policy seem to have acquired a great deal of pragmatism at present in keeping with her growing international stature and economic cloud as is evident from her dealings, among others with the military junta of Myanmar and with General Musharaf of Pakistan. This offers an window of opening which Bangladesh diplomacy should take advantage of. Instead, therefore waiting for India, Bangladesh foreign ministry should start the process involving a serious exercise of our policy towards India and try to remove the bureaucratic and other obstacles impeding development of full potentials of bilateral relations between the two countries. This would call for creation of policy planning and research cell in the foreign ministry. I am told there is shortage of funds. The cell started when I was D.G. (Admin & Policy Planning). It has now become non-functional for I am told lack of funds. The money spent by foreign ministry for canvassing for individual candidates for jobs in multilateral organization should now be fruitfully utilize for this purpose. This is not suggested out of perceived weakness of Bangladesh visa a vis a large neighbor. One practical lesson in conflict resolution I learnt as UN Regional Administrator/ Representative in Kosovo is that there is no military solution our solution through use of force/violence to any conflict or differences. The overwhelming NATO force could not solved the problem militarily involving Kosovo/Serbian 'militants/extremist'. When I opted for patient and painstaking negotiations with the so called militants (some black listed) there was significant progress in inter-ethnic reconciliation paving the way towards independence of Kosovo. The opposition to the independence of Kosovo is not form local Kosovo Serbs and Albanians who are willing to live and worked together as there is acute unemployment, 70 percent of population are young and aspire to join EC. The opposition to Kosovo's independence is coming from the radicals in Belgrade who are creating the trouble in Kosovo with the help of paid mafias. It is the young Kosovans that form the backbone of new democratic, multi-religious and multicultural Kosovo based on tolerance and pluralism. In this context I regret the delay in according recognition to Kosovo by Bangladesh. Apart from the fact that Kosovo is born out of genocide and heroic fight by freedom fighters it offers significant economic opportunity and market for our goods not only for Kosovo but also Albania, Serbia and Montenegro. This is also a symptom of the obstacle to the implementation of our foreign policy. The success achieved in a negotiated resolution was possible as I received full support from a disciplined NATO force. Successful diplomacy has to be backed by force or perception of force. This is an important lesson. We need a small modern army back by plus the capacity to mobilize the whole civilian population who should be trained and put into reserves as Lee Kuan Yu did for Singapore. This was followed by setting up 'national cadet corps in all secondary schools so that parents would identify the army and police with their sons and daughters. We wanted the people to regard our soldiers as their protectors'. A combination of innovative and purposeful diplomacy back by force would remove the psychological, perceived or real fear which is acting as a major obstacle to finding a mutually acceptable negotiated resolution of the entire gamut of issues with India. Another obstacle is the perception that significantly improve relations with India may affect our bilateral relation with China and Pakistan. This is not how international diplomacy works. India and China have significantly improve their bilateral relation which has not affected Pakistan's long standing friendly relation with China. In fact Pakistan has taken more initiative than Bangladesh to significantly move forward in key areas of bilateral relationship including various initiatives to help a new approach to resolve the Kashmir problem. At the end of the day the dictum that there are no eternal friends or enemies but eternal interest constitute the pragmatic orientation of the foreign policy. Moreover it is an important to grasp the implications of recent and dramatic developments international issues one would need to note handing of the Tribitrian crisis by US, EC and India particular. All these Governments firmly existed the temptation to exploit entry Chinese card take advantage of China's discomfiture and event counselled state by Dalai Lama and try to come the situation. The reason being that these countries have crucial strategic, political, economic interest had stake with China. US has sought China's help in trying to reach in negotiated settlement of its nuclear dispute with North Korea. Bangladesh diplomacy would need to reorient its foreign policy by accordingly. Other major obstacles to implementing the twin objective of foreign policy stems from a restricted conception of viewing security purely in military terms. There are formidable non military threads to our security emanating from extremism and militancy, food crisis, energy and dwindling foreign investment . Bangladesh economic diplomacy would need to much more active and focused in getting a new international trade deal through WTO for LDCs, to eliminate protectionism and for greater access of our goods to world markets; negotiate new technology, seeds, fertilizer to boost food production; take more proactive role in getting support from donors and multilateral institutions to cope with climate change and its disaster effects on our ecology and environment. In the ultimate analysis the twin objectives of foreign policy i.e. security and development would rest on removing the major hurdle to the creation of stable, liberal and tolerant through poverty elimination and development. The report Bangladesh 2020 has stated that for a substantial reduction of attainment of universal adult illiteracy and access to poverty by 2020 would need a 'GDP growth rate of 7-8 percent, which should include basic healthcare, effective protection of the environment and successfully managed urbanization and an economy on a highly competitive footing with significantly diversified exports in global markets'. Its states that acceleratory growth by itself not sufficient for poverty reduction and lays highest emphasis on human resource development. The need for creating at least additional 50 million jobs including essential social economy infrastructure would require investment worth over 300 billion spread over a quarter century. The report believe this is possible by host of majors including domestic mobilization, and importantly from remittances of migrant workers and foreign private investment as ODA decline. This would call for removing the obstacle to economic diplomacy through merger of economic ERD, foreign trade with foreign ministry and significantly improved inter ministerial coordination and cooperation. Foreign ministry would have to open its door to qualified and competent people from all professions. Ambassador Mohammad Mohsin Masud Aziz Shafiullah Zamir Anwar Hashim Working Session III: Bangladesh Foreign Policy: The Way Forward Ambassador Farooq Sobhan We have to acknowledge three or four ground realities. First and foremost is the weakness of the Foreign Ministry and its relations with other Ministries and Department. It had evolved over the years with some unfortunate practices in the way of conducting diplomacy. Therefore, first we need to see how we can re-establish the traditional roles and responsibilities of the Foreign Ministry. Foreign policy can be formulated by the government and, in some cases input should be taken from the Parliament. But this is of course the responsibility of Prime Minister and the Cabinet with inputs from Foreign Ministry. So, the first point is really re-establishing the overarching responsibility of the Foreign Ministry centring coordination with the line Ministries. Second, there is an absence of truly professional diplomatic service in Bangladesh. It is the quality training at all levels that can ensure professionalism in diplomacy. It is needed for diplomats to have expertise on different languages, area, and on subject of specialisation at the foreign office. For example, the Chinese diplomats went through the period of specialisation in one particular country. The recognition of merit and ability is important to build professionalism. In Bangladesh, unfortunately we are still wedded to the seniority system alone. There is no clear recognition of merit. There is a need for specialisation, career planning, and fast tracking people in foreign office. If we want to see quality people with the quality performer, true professionalism, we ought to take account all these factors. Whether we like it or not and some people clearly don't like it, we have to be serious to address our relations with India. We can't afford luxuries either ignoring India or entering into confrontational relationship. India needs us as much we need India. Without active cooperation of Bangladesh, Indian Northeast will remain backward, underdeveloped and landlocked. Although efforts are being made to link Indian northeast to Myanmar and beyond but the advantages that Bangladesh can offer can't be replicated. So, how do we put the relations on a footing? What are the issues that we need to address? There are problems and certainly water is one of them. The border is always been major issue of India-Bangladesh relations. From Indian point of view, there are issues cross border, security issues, movement of people, and so on and so forth. What we know is that if we are able to integrate our markets, if we are able to give equal treatment to Indian investment to Bangladesh like others, the sky is the limit. For example, if Tata is allowed to come in Bangladesh, ten billion dollar is waiting behind the Tata's proposal. Therefore, at the end of the day, the biggest and best market for Bangladesh will be India but we have to be competitive. The Foreign Ministry has indeed role to play in this regard. In the next 15-25 years, we will not be able to generate enough jobs to meet the demand. So, it will remain major priority of Bangladesh to compete for jobs abroad and the Ministries and Embassies must have the role to generate. The whole process is rapidly changing. The other countries are approaching in different ways. We should not send out unskilled people. Our strength will lie to our ability and to train them and give them specialisation. Then, we need to develop systems to overcome challenges. Foreign remittance is vitally important for the country. It is expected that this year the remittance will cross eight billion US$. According to most sources, the actual remittance is already closer to fifteen billion. By 2015, Bangladesh can very easily achieve thirty billion US$. Therefore, the foreign policy is going to be very important. In-terms of global happenings, subjects like climate change, sustainable development, etc. are subjects of critical importance for us. The issues like offshore drilling, issues of maritime boundaries etc. are important. Again, the challenges are enormous. The issue of counter terrorism and the cooperation at the regional as well as global level is important for us. There is a need for energy cooperation and image building for the country. Moderator Masud Aziz Ambassador Ashfaqur Rahman Shahed Akhtar Mohsin Ali Khan QMA Rahim Ambassador Serajul Islam Farooq Sobhan Shah Hussain Imam On behalf of The Daily Star and the CFAS, thank you for your participation. |
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